E.31 (22)
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Anti-Aulicus: 8 February 1644. No. 2.
Discovering weekely the Policies, Deceits, and Erroneous Maximes of the Court
Like a Prodigall that hath spent himselfe and his meanes, so dejected was the Court the last weeke, as usually those are whose bravery of minde arises not from the goodnesse of their cause, but their strength & present successe, which failing, they themselves fall with it. Insomuch that Aulicus hath beene so put too’t this weeke to invent matter to keepe up the spirits of his people (who hee findes are comming about) that like a man beene ready to sinke, hee catches at strawes and feathers to uphold himselfe.
He hath spent the best part of a side of his owne sheere Mercury, in relating a notable victory obtained in Northamptonshire over Captaine Lawson and his great feather, you shall have the whole story: Sixteene horse from Towcester (hee saies) approached neare Northampton from whence Captaine Lawson drew out 2 Troopes to face them: In which posture standing awhile, one of the 16. set upon Captaine Lawson, saying, oh Captaine Lawson is your worship there! (having prevaild by signes) it seemes with the two troopes to stand still all the while) At which terrible words Captaine Lawson fled (hee saies) and being pursued by the same man (the 2 troopes still standing with their hands in their pocket) was slaine, and his feather taken from him, and so the 16. horse returned to Towcester, and the 2 troopes into Northamton, the battell ended. I should not mention so slight & ridiculous a Fable, but that Aulicus friends may thereby see how low driven the Court is, when they are faine to have recourse to so grosse a one as this, making so little too for their owne advantage.
The Parliament (though his insolence be pleased to call them by another name) have reformed the Clergy and Churches (hee saies) by persecuting the one, and defacing the other. Me thinks, since he hath so good information from London, hee cannot but know that the persecutions of the Ministers he speakes of, were some for common drunkennesse, loosenesse of life, adultery, yea buggery, some for seditious and rebellious provocations of the people against those they have chosen, some because they preacht Popery and superstition into the flexible peoples hearts, and others because they preach not at all, but receiving the profits, neglected the duties for which they were allotted: as if they had beene borne onely to eat, drinke, and play. If to punish such crimes so gently too, as onely by a removall of the Delinquents, and taking from them the opportunity of doing more mischiefe, be to persecute. Thieves and murderers by the same rule are not justly punisht but persecuted, the assizes and sentences of the Law may as well be called persecution. And Aulicus when hee shall receive the just reward of his trayterous libelling against the Parliament, may with like reason be said to be persecuted.
And then for his defacing of Churches, that is, in our English, their famous Organs at Pauls<ref>St Paul’s Cathedral</ref> (as hee reverently calls them) are taken downe, their Altars, Crucifixes, and devout Candlesticks are removed. The Churches in Edward the 6. time were just so defaced when they were cleaned from the trumpery of popery. Their superstitious pictures, glasse windowes, and all other resemblances of, and approaches to Popery are expeld our Church: the pompous outside Worship, pleasing onely to the inconsiderate sort of men, and such as lived by it, is discountenanced, and all other gayish Ceremonies which the Apostles neither had, nor gave command for.
But the man charges us yet further, and saith we slander Gods Anointed, and who should that be but the Queene. Where we are to take notice that we have one Annointed more then we knew of. But to the slander. The Commons of England taking into though the many ill offices shee had done this Kingdome, and amongst the rest her going over Sea with the Crown Jewels, to buy arms, and hire souldiers for the advance of the Rebellious army now on foot, her Tampering with forraigne States, &c., were pleased to impeach her of high Treason. Now the Lords the day hee mentions, sent to the house of Commons to desire them to hasten their charge, and make good their impeachment, which this Aulicus cals slandering of the Queen. ’Tis a fine new language the Court speakes, that what this Nation was wont to call execution of Justice, they stile persecution, reformation with them is defacing, and a just accusation, slander.
He tells us of a new Seale for the Court of Wards, and that the keeper thereof is Cottington, the new made L. Treasurer at Oxford, and Master of the said Court. I am glad yet that they discover themselves by carrying matters so grossely foule, that such a known Incendiary, & Spanish Pensioner should be pitched upon as the fittest man for such offices as those. The Councel was much overseene in the action. Every man will now discerne what faction is most prevalent, when the great Officers of the Kingdome are so bestowed; and conclude the justnesse and necessity of the Parliaments demands in their 19. Propositions. And here it is but meet, that all people take notice that whatsoever is done at the pretended Court of Wards at Oxford, by Cottington the Imaginary Master over that Court, under the new and counterfeit Seale, is in reason void, and no way availefull for any person, the true Court, Mr. Seale,<ref>Presumably meaning, the master of the seal</ref> and other sub-officers remaining here at London.
Aulicus has weekely laboured with one invention which hee conceives will be of great use to withdraw the peoples hearts from assisting & concurring with the Parliament. And that is, hee doth weekely personate a man distressed in conscience, lunaticke in desperation, tormenting himselfe at his end for taking up armes against the King: ’tis an old practise this of the Jesuite and Romish Priest to worke upon the imaginations of the simple people. His every weekes Pamphlet is furnisht with a story of this nature, only varied, for more credite sake, into severall formes, and fitted with such circumstances as he thinkes are most mooving. Mr. Marshall was once the subject of this Fable, then Mr. Pym, Sir Henry Ludlow, Mr. Beaple of Barnstable, and many others. This weeke (suspecting their condition to be ruinous, and their downfall probable) he was faine to beget a couple of these Fictions, one of Mr. John Perkinson of Southampton, and the other of Richard Whitehead of Portsmouth, the first he makes to kill himselfe, the second to dye in a distraction, crying commonly before his death, King, King, traytor, traytor, damned, damned, damned, and the better to make these tales passe for currant, he uses such expressions as these, as I am cetainely advertised, As those that attend him are ready to witnesse. As many will testifie upon oath and the like: In wch fictions are considerable, the motives thereunto, which were, the credulity of the people he directs them to, and the impression that such gastly Fables, he thinks wil leave in the minds of his Readers, 2. The slight ground for beliefe; hee saies hee was advertised; it may be by one of his owne companions, an ingle that he sets apart to coyne such stories, as those that attend him are ready to witnesse (how do wee know that) as many will testifie upon oath, Knights of your Post perhaps, and such youngsters as do scruple as little to sweare a lye, as he to tell one. But Aulicus has cast up his gaines, the people devoted to me sais he, will believe it, none or very few can disprove me, and what matters it for a few: Those that live at the place, know this indeed to be a Forgery, but what of that, peradventure my booke will never come amongst them, and no body will trouble themselves to enquire after the businesse, & therefore goe abroad pamphlet, thou mayst safely be a lying spirit in the eares of the people, for which thy Master shall be highly preferd (I hope so in time) In the mean while I desire that all men hereafter be provided against the assault of such piercing lyes, and scorne those wicked men, and that cause that can make use of such base and dishonest meanes to support the fading hopes of their declining Fortunes.
Part of the Rebels army in the West, whether in vexation at the great blow they have lately received, or in hope to terrefie our friends into their faction, I know not but the Rebels as I said, brake out into an open firing of the countrey, beginning with a very faire house of Sir Walter Earles, which the valiant Governour of Poole, (Lord Craford knowes who I mean) taking notice of, to terrifie them from going on, by way of retaliation, having indeed no other way to prevent their fireing designe, burnt downe one Turbervile’s house, a man in actuall rebellion against the Parliament, and further sent the Rebels army word, that if they proceeded to fireing, he would leave them not a house in any part that was within his power. This somewhat abated the heat of the Rebels fury, and made them begin to bethinke themselves that there was no proceeding in a mischiefe that they saw would be repaid upon their own heads; And that if they should goe on, their fellow Rebels burning of Brumingham, Banbury, Frogmorton<ref>Throckmorton</ref> house, &c. would be called to minde again, and perhaps put upon their score, and therefore for the present they desisted.
He saies the Members can satisfie their consciences as long as they have the fortune to surprize his Majesties Forces in their beds. Alas aday that they should sit so late at it over night, as to be catched before they were up in the morning. I hope it was not over early but that the good Gentlemen before they were taken by others, came to themselves. Let’s see who they were. Sir Nicholas Byron, Sir Richard Willis, two or three Officers more of Capels army, with almost a hundred common souldiers. Aulicus himselfe tells us of so much, and tis well knowne he must have allowance. But hee hath dealt so much the more ingeniously with us in confessing so many, because he addes that Lord Byron, as hee heares, has made a sufficient recompence, and so he saies we shall hear the next week. Yes we have heard againe and againe, and we know by this you have heard too, what the recompence is, 8. Officers of a higher forme, 14. Captaines, 19. Lieutenants, 26. Ensignes, 1700. Common Souldiers, 6. Pieces of Ordnance, 20. Carriages, &c. Not taken by, but from your upstart Lord Byron. The relations whereof are so full and concordant as well by Letters from the 2 valiant & faithful Commanders, Sir William Brereton and Sir Thomas Fairfax, as also from particular Countreymen that came from the place, striving who should first bring the good newes, that not tricke, no fine invention in your next Mercury will be able to undermine the certainty, or scruple the beleife of your nearest related friends. Insomuch that though you would have made the world believe that all was your cock-sure in those parts, by reason of the perfideous English Irish that came over, yet you may take notice how God blasts your Babel hopes, & quashes them in the midst of your jollity. So that I can’t blame you for bemoaning your hard fortune, nor your friends here for whispering, that tis one of the shrewde blows you have received since the beginning of your rebellion: for I am partly of their mind, & you shall hear my reason.
The Scots beeing come in so strong, so numerous, and so resolved as they are you heare, you begin to dispaire of your few shattered forces of Newcastle, and to conclude, that in all probability in short time, they will be driven out of the North Countries by the Scots. My Lord Fairefaxe, and my Lord of Manchesters forces, in so much that though you have designed the West for your Randevouz, where you meane to fortifie, and make it the seate of Rebellion, yet you consider that it would be of mighty concernement to you, if you could possesse your selves of the North-west Counties, which must be done, you conceive ere the Scots come on, or not at all. How neere therefore Sir William Breretons victory touches you, and that of the garrison at Wem the weeke before, brave Colonell Masseys exploytes, and the enlarging of his quarters by taking in, and putting a garrison into Malmsbury, I need not expresse, we may reade much in the dejected faces of your Friends at London. Insomuch that tis probably conceived that Newcastle, Hastings, Capell, Byron must after some flourishes and shews made of withstanding the Scots and our other forces, after their last and most cruell oppression of the Countries, sweeping all way they can lay hands on, hey must I say, retire to the West. For preparation to this, you have framed an assotiation with purpose to engage the Counties, and drawn them in to run the same hazzards with your selves. And because as neere as you can, you would make all your owne in those parts, which you feare you shall hardly compasse, because of the raising of your siege at Plimouth, how ever if you cannot get all you would, you will get all you can, and therefore are now drawing to besiege Lime, and purpose shortly to lye before Poole, (which places notwithstanding their present strength, shall I doubt not have succours sent unto them as there shall be occasion) so that the people of those Counties may hereby see what a world of misery is approaching them, not only by being overrun by the joynt forces of the Rebels, by being forst to raise monies and provision for their maintenance and compeld to fight in their defence, but to be the seate likewise of War for all the forces in England, we being necessitated to follow the Rebels, to what places soever they fly.
Now for prevention of much of this, tis seasonable advice to the West Countrymen, that as many as safely may, doe in some publick way protest against the assotiation, as a thing forst upon them, and to which all men that know them, can testifie that the generality of the people are most averse: as the necessity of a Presse amongst them doth further witnesse: And for those who be overawed by the Rebels dare no joyne in the protest, their best way will be to flye into such places as are fortified, and endeavour what they can to recover what the Rebels is now maister of to convey into safe places, whatsoever may be advantagious to the Rebels & to give what succour and assistance they can (with safety to themselves) to the garrison of Plimouth, Poole, Lime, Malmesbury, and whatsoever Townes shall hereafter free themselves from the Captivity of the Rebels: That so their hands being weakned, they may be the easier subdued, the Counties set at liberty, and the peace of the whole Kingdome the sooner recovered. The Rebels purpose to lull them asleepe, I heare, with the hope of Trade, and have dispearst amongst us a story of a ship unladen at Apsham<ref>Topsham</ref> neere Exmouth, of 570 barrels of Powder, and store of Horse-armes, which found vent at Exeter, they say, for Cloth and other Commodities: a pretious benefit to the Counties. Their staple Commodities that were wont to maintaine the greatest Trade to London, to the enriching of the West country, and raising on many able Families (and by the wisedome and courage of those Counties may in short time do so againe) are now vented for weapons to overawe them, & to continue a rebellious and unnaturall warre amongst them against their Brethren, to the utter undoing and desolation of their Country, if by some meanes or other not prevented. I have therefore addressed my selfe to them, because I would willingly make them sensible of their approaching miseries: and for that I know how availefull their Courage and Resolutions will prove towards the ending of the warre, to the lasting and contentfull happinesse both of them and us. They know as men are resolved and faithful so God blesses them with successe: Examples may see in Sir William Brereton, Colonell Massey and others: and they have had experience of the miserable effects of cowardize. Let them be resolute therefore, and God will prosper them, otherwise they may tell themselves what will follow.
The Scots all know are now come in, whose justification so much, & so evincingly hath bene spoken by themselves, that little need to be added by me or any body else: Only thus much I thinke meete to say, That considering their Oppressions under which they laboured, were in much the same with ours. The Innovations forst upon them little different to ours. That the same men were the oppressors of us both: That we and they have the grounds and reasons of taking up of Armes, That we both have the same Interests, and must be either Slaves or Freemen together, both together either happily enjoy the Reformed Religion, or forst to suffer under Papacy or Prelacy. Calling to minde likewise the Wisdome and Integrity of their carriage, both before, at, and since their former expedition into England: How warily they dealt with their Adversaries, How inoffensively towards their Friends, how conscionable and sincerely in respect of themselves we may well hence be assured concerning them, that we shal not only have the assistance of a Valiant & hardy Nation, the benefit in Councell of a Watchfull and Prudent,<ref>A word seems to be missing here</ref> but may rest perswaded likewise in confidence of their Integrity, and sight of the strictnesse of their Campe Discipline that we shall receive no damage from them (excepting what is unavoidable in an Army) their ends manifestly appearing to be, the Generall good and welfare both of themselves and us.
For further knowledge of the ends, both Kingdomes have proposed to themselves in this Warre, of Articles touching those who have continued faithfull to the Cause, and suffered losses by the Enemy. Touching Neutrals. Touching those who are capable of being received into favour, and upon what conditions. Touching Papists in Armes, Irish Rebels, and Incendiaries who are to looke for no mercy, but to be proceeded against as Traytors. For further knowledge in these particulars I refer each man (for in one respect or other it concerns every man) to the Declaration of both Kingdomes. And for satisfaction concerning the present Expedition of the Scots, their Declaration will amply affoord it; No man is to content himselfe with common report, much lesse with such information as their enemies shall suggest for their owne ends.
Tis mistakes and want of true understanding, that hath kept up so long devided here at London, to the many advantages of our Adversarie, and prolonging of the war we all wish might have an end. Whether those who have hitherto bene called Malignants, but I have cause to hope, hereafter will deserve a better name, whether I say they have taken the best course to accomplish their wishes, the ending of the Warre. I now desire no others should judge but themselves: Let them but seriously ponder, whether two populous Nations, so strong, and resolved as ours are, in a just cause, God blessing and going along with them so manifestly as he does, can in any probability be subdues, by a few ambitious persons (whose lives are already forfeited to justice), and such as their craft and force have drawne to their assistance. What blindnesse is it then to have hopes, what madnesse to speake in the behalfe, or yeeld assistance to such a faction, and become thereby enemies not onely to the Kingdome, but to themselves also. How much better is it, as Sir Edward Deering hath already done (esteemed hitherto by themselves a wise man) and many others are watching when safely to do, to forsake the Rebels and joyne with their Country, laying hold upon those gratious proffers of favour and acceptance the States of both Kingdomes offer to such as freeing themselves from mistakes, and forsaking their private Interests, will returne to do service to their Countrey.
Printed according to Order for H.T.<ref>Humphrey Tuckey</ref>
Source: British Library, E.31[22]
Search tags: Barnstaple (Barnstable), Birmingham (Brumingham), Earl of Crawford (Lord Craford), Earl of Manchester (Lord of Manchester), Edward Massey (Colonell Massey), John Parkinson (Perkinson), Lord Fairfax (Fairefaxe), Lyme Regis (Lime), Northampton (Northamton), Plymouth (Plimouth), St Paul's Cathedral (Pauls), Sir Edward Dering (Deering), Sir Richard Willys (Willis), Topsham (Apsham)
Notes
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